METHODOLOGY

This study uses qualitative research to develop a textured and intimate description of how an art movement in York, Alabama contributes to breaking down racial barriers. Qualitative research has a long history in sociology, tracing its origins to the social reform movement at the turn of the twentieth century. At this time, sociologists used qualitative research to construct rich descriptions of the living conditions of the poor in hopes of calling attention to their plight and spurring social change (Frankfort-Nachmias & Nachmias 2000). This study uses qualitative research in a similar spirit: in hopes that a detailed description of racial segregation as a barrier to community development will spur dialogue between the black and white communities in York, acting as an instigator for community defined social change.

Specifically, this research takes the form of a qualitative case study. I have chosen the case study format in order to explore community and economic development in depth and at the ground level. Case studies are prevalent throughout the field of sociology, as they allow researchers to gain detailed knowledge about one particular group in order to better understand like groups. Using a case study format allowed me to delve deeply into one community’s past and present, instead of spreading my time and efforts thin by attempting to compare several communities.

Case studies have been criticized for being too specific and unable to be generalized, but I did not find those criticisms to be true when studying York. York shares much in common with other small, rural Black Belt towns, and the lessons York has learned in its attempts to revitalize are relevant and useful to other communities hoping to follow a similar path. In fact, other Black Belt communities have looked toward York as a model and have learned from their mistakes in building their own community development plans. Further, case studies of the Black Belt are particularly urgent due to the region’s myriad challenges.

In order to gain access to the community of York, I began by introducing myself to one of the artists in her downtown studio in January 2005. We talked briefly upon our first meeting, and when I decided six months later to study York as a case study, I again contacted her and set up an interview. She in turn connected me with other artists, and I used a snowball sampling method in order to pursue new leads during fieldwork and to take advantage of unexpected potential informants. The bulk of my interviews and visits to York were conducted during a six month period from June 2005 to November 2005, with follow up contact and visits in 2006.

I interviewed a range of individuals, mostly in their residences, studios, or places of work. Interviews were usually scheduled ahead of time, but were sometimes spontaneous. At the end of several interviews, the respondent introduced me to another community member, and I interviewed that person on the spot. Because the drive to York is over two hours from my home, I scheduled two or three interviews for each visit, leaving plenty of time in between in case the interviews were lengthy or the respondents introduced me to other community members. I also conducted interviews in Montgomery, Birmingham, Mobile, Demopolis, Livingston, and Camden (all in Alabama). Interviews usually lasted about one hour, though they ranged from fifteen minutes to two and a half hours.

In the past, I have found the use of tape recorders stilting and overly formal, so instead I took notes during interviews and typed them immediately afterwards. I used an unstructured format and did not prepare a list of questions. I found that if I let respondents follow their own thought patterns, the interviews took a natural tone. This resulted in collecting some unusable information, but it also facilitated trust between myself and the respondents, because I allowed them to direct the conversation and to reveal their thoughts to me in their own time. I did ask follow up questions. I usually began interviews by asking respondents how they became involved in the art movement, which allowed them to talk about their individual background and interest in art. After they had told me a little about themselves, respondents seemed more comfortable discussing more sensitive matters, such as the role of racial segregation in the art movement.

I did not intend to write a thesis centering on race, and in fact did not ask any questions related to race in my first few interviews, but I found that when respondents discussed the art movement, the issue of race always arose. Once I began to understand segregation as the main hindrance to the art movement’s development, I began asking questions like, “Is the whole community involved in the art movement?” Or, “What do you view as the art movement’s biggest challenges?” Thus, I never asked directly about race because I didn’t want to place undue importance on it or direct respondents’ answers toward it.

I used a purposive sampling method to ensure that I interviewed a diverse and representative group of people. I conducted 34 interviews in person (with three exceptions which were phone interviews). Respondents included those involved with the Coleman Center for the Arts in York, including five directors/former directors, the center’s founder, three board members, four artists-in-residence, two fundraisers, and one major financial contributor. I also interviewed residents connected with the art movement in York outside of the Coleman Center, including four artists working at galleries on the main street, four non-art business owners, and two residents of York who are neither artists nor business owners. I also interviewed the current mayor of York and her predecessor.

To discover York’s connections to the Black Belt at large and to the state of Alabama, I interviewed the president of the University of West Alabama, the president of the Sumter County Fine Arts Council, the visual arts program manager at the Alabama State Council on the Arts, the executive director of the Alabama Tombigbee Regional Commission, the director of Black Belt Treasures, the managing director of documentary production at Alabama Public Television and her cameraman, and a Demopolis Times reporter.

In addition to interviewing, I used both participant and non-participant observation. I walked and drove the streets of York and its surroundings, ate in local restaurants and shopped in local stores, visited the local library and downtown galleries, and read the local paper. I also attended events at the Coleman Center gallery, community meetings, and York’s monthly festival. In addition, I visited the nearby town of Livingston, Alabama, the largest town in Sumter County and York’s sometimes rival. I drove around Livingston, conducted research in the University of West Alabama library, and interviewed board members or York residents who lived or worked in Livingston.